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Mission 272 – If you win, they will come

Originally published here on Niti Central. Also read Part 1, Part 2 and Part 3 in the Mission 272 series.

In September 2012, the CounterCurrents website carried an interesting column (originally published in the Forward Press) by a Premkumar Mani, a Hindi writer, titled “A Tale of Two Friends”. In that column commenting on the relationship between the Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, Mani goes on to narrate this anecdote from 2004:

In a somber and firm voice, Nitish said, “Narendra Modi is the new face of the BJP. He comes from a most backward class. He is ghanchi, a ghanchi! It is a minority backward caste there. The BJP’s Brahmin lobby is out to defame him. Even Vajpayee has joined its ranks. Modi is a dynamic man. Meet him once and you will become his admirer. He comes from a very poor family. He is extremely simple and very diligent.” Nitish appeared to be in a state of trance. He was unstoppable. Then, fondly recalling an occasion when Modi played host to him, he concluded his monologue, “I have become his fan.”

The inevitable finally happened this weekend with Nitish Kumar’s JDU finally calling it quits from the BJP-led NDA over the elevation of Narendra Modi within the BJP. How and when Nitish Kumar developed this animosity towards Narendra Modi makes for a fascinating account of political history over the decade gone by. Between 2002 and 2007, one gets to see a number of news reports where Nitish Kumar defends the Modi Government in Gujarat against barbs from the RJD’s Lalu Yadav. Of particular interest is this speech by Nitish in Gujarat with Narendra Modi on the dais when he went on to speculate that one day Gujarat would have to give way so that the nation could benefit from Narendra Modi’s services. It is only towards the end of 2007 that one starts to see Nitish Kumar beginning to demonstrate animosity towards Narendra Modi during the campaign for the Gujarat Assembly.

It was amusing to see Sankarshan Thakur writing in The Telegraph describing the impending break-up in Bihar as an ‘honourable exit’. Ever since 2009, the conduct of Nitish Kumar and his spokespersons in Delhi has been anything but honourable towards Narendra Modi. From that infamous overreaction over a hand-grab in Punjab at the NDA rally during the 2009 Lok Sabha campaign to the disgusting cancellation of a dinner in Patna during the BJP National Executive in 2010, one sees a pattern of one way attacks and slights by Nitish Kumar even as Narendra Modi has kept sage silence.

In many ways, Nitish Kumar and his party’s petulance over Narendra Modi mirrors Shishupala’s hundred insults towards Krishna in the Mahabharata. In that episode during Yudhihstra’s  Rajasuya, Shishupala finally runs out of luck after hurling the proverbial hundredth insult at Krishna before he is felled. Perhaps that proverbial hundredth indiscretion has not yet been reached in this modern day saga of Shishupala played by Nitish Kumar and his JDU.

The rank opportunism demonstrated by Nitish Kumar’s JDU underlines the significance of mission 272 for the BJP. It would be utterly naive of the BJP to expect transient political alliances to be committed towards the long-term well-being of the party making it all the more important for the BJP to chart a course towards that magic number of 272 on its own while keeping the door open to smaller parties that see merit in allying with a Narendra Modi led BJP campaign.

Whether the BJP should have bent over backwards to accommodate Nitish Kumar is a matter that will continue to be debated for sometime? Those who argue in favour of accommodation are in abject denial on the trajectory of the BJP ever since the debacle of 2004. The BJP far from breaking new ground ended up ceding what little ground it held in the eastern seaboard States over the past nine years. With the exception of Karnataka, it has not grown significantly in any new State where it did not have a base previously. It has been on decline in Assam and Odisha where it once held ground while it has barely managed to recover ground in Andhra Pradesh thanks largely to the issue of Telangana.

Back in 2011 at the peak of the Anna Hazare campaign, this columnist wrote in The Pioneer on how the BJP wasted precious political energy  while being reduced to a ‘super regional party.’

The cold reality is the BJP has lost the national narrative. The BJP is now merely a super regional party with a permanent Delhi-based leadership that can neither help it break new ground nor arrest the process of slow but terminal decline staring it.

With too clever-by-half political calculations the BJP’s permanent Delhi-based leadership has timidly submitted itself to conventional wisdom that the role of the Opposition is to merely oppose the Government with rhetoric. This timidity has prevented it from taking sharp ideological positions on the UPA’s Left-liberal socio-economic agenda.

In a contest between the Congress and the BJP that is seen to be a B-team of the Congress on socio-economic issues, conventional wisdom of the 1990s no longer applies. The BJP’s leadership in Delhi may be non-dynastic and incorruptible but it no longer inspires a vision of being a credible alternative.

Three years later, in 2013 with the elevation of Narendra Modi, the BJP finally has found an anchor to begin the process of evolving as a credible alternative to the Congress. The marathon mission to get to 272 will not be completed by getting nostalgic over alliances of the past. The BJP needs to look ahead to future growth of its own merit. A beginning was made back in April when Narendra Modi took the arduous route from Shivagiri Mutt in Kerala to Patanjai Peeth in Haridwar, Uttarakhand as he sought to connect his political vision with local idioms and icons. It is along this trajectory that the marathon mission for 272 must proceed.

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Filed under: India Elections 2014, Mission 272, Narendra Modi, nitish kumar

B. Raman

Commentary in India on the counter-terror landscape has generally been a curious cocktail of inspired leaks and random speculation. In recent times most of the original and investigative counter terror reporting on the Jihadi  landscape within India’s neighborhood has come from the American publication Pro-Publica. Former Addl. Secy with the RAW and Counter-Terrorism expert B. Raman stood as a lone exception among Indian counter-terror commentators. He stood out not just for his encyclopedic knowledge of Jihadi genealogies but also for his long memory of people, places and events to help connect the dots across the Jihadi landscape. It is unfortunate that we lost two of the most prolific writers on the Jihadi Terror landscape in the Indian Sub-continent within a span of few years. When Pakistan’s most audacious terror reporter Syed Saleem Shahzad was assassinated I wrote in the Pioneer that we had sort of lost our Sanjaya in that Mahabharata war against Islamist Terror. In B. Raman’s death we have lost that elder with the longest memory of generations of Islamist Terrorists.

My interactions with Mr. Raman started sometime in 2008 during the Indian Mujahideen wave of terror attacks. Since then his social media presence kept us in touch one way or the other. In many ways B. Raman’s Social Media presence was a test of tolerance to the rest of us as he waged a lonely battle with Cancer in the real world and a not so lonely battle with impetuousness in the virtual world. Much sentiment was expressed on Social Media on his death. Perhaps had a bit more restraint been shown on Social Media towards him in his life his last few months with us would perhaps have caused him less stress.

This small but perhaps comforting gesture in his last few weeks with us must have made some difference hopefully.

As we bid adieu to B. Raman his last few words will will inspire us. I hope all of us his digital footprints are archived by his family and friends to be preserved for posterity.

Filed under: Connecting the Dots, Social Media Reflections, War on Mumbai, War on Terror

Mission 272 – Winning every Booth matters

Originally published here on Niti Central. Also read in the Mission 272 series Part-1 and Part-2.

Coming from a family with a long association with the Sangh, exposure to politics happened at an early age to me. Over the years, though my interest in politics in India took a different trajectory. The first turning point came during an Economics Course at IIT Mumbai. The prescribed textbook those days was by Paul Samuelson. Thus predictably the course content leaned more towards Keynesian economics. Fortunately though, the professor who taught the course disagreed with the textbook, which made for an intellectually stimulating semester. So the Professor (I fail to recollect her name) went beyond the prescribed textbook to include an essay by Milton Friedman – Free to Choose. Then came dalliances with the Classical Liberal movement efforts of Sanjeev Sabhlok in the late 90s and the early 2000s. It was not until the 2004 Lok Sabha defeat that I had once again started to take interest in the BJP and the Sangh Parivar’s political trajectory.

During all these years I have been loathe to discuss politics or political ideology with my father who has had a four-decade-long association with the Sangh and continues to be an office bearer. Rummaging through my archives a few weeks back — during which I discovered that handwritten note from former a RSS chief — revealed a dossier: the booth level blueprint for how the BJP’s campaign was executed across an Assembly Constituency in Andhra Pradesh in 2009.

What followed was an awkward but enlightening extended political conversation with my father as he went on to talk about the challenges with the execution of an Election Campaign at the booth level. Among the several points he made, two stood out the most. The first was on why candidate selection was the most important critical success factor in a campaign. Apart from the usual reasons of the candidate being good etc he opined that the commitment of volunteers to execute well at the booth level depended entirely on the passion the candidate can inspire them. Hence getting candidate selection right and early in the process was the first critical success factor. The second critical success factor according to him was Execution Excellence at the Booth level starting with 8 to 12 weeks ahead of Polling Day.

One comment he made was profound and perhaps most apt to the present political context and pertinent to the Marathon Mission to get to 272.

“The cardinal mistake most BJP candidates make is in their wishful thinking that a political wave will carry the day for them at the hustings. They naively imagine that one public meeting by Advaniji or Modiji will create the hawa on which they can blissfully ride. The reality is the difference between a success or failure of a BJP campaign is in flawless booth level execution. The wave creates the right conditions but it doesn’t guarantee success and is not a substitute for booth level Execution. This has been true right since the Jan Sangh days and the elections of 1960s.”

The importance of booth level execution becomes clear when we look at the data from 2009. There were about 113 Lok Sabha seats where the winning margin was less than 3 per cent. This roughly translates to a few 100 votes flipping either way in an average booth. Consider the case of GM Siddeswara, a winning BJP candidate to the Lok Sabha from Karnataka in 2009. His margin of victory in Davangere Lok Sabha seat was a mere 2000 votes. It shows how perilously close to losing he came to but for perhaps some faceless volunteer in some booth executing flawlessly on his behalf to get out the vote. Similar was the story of Chauhan Prabhatsinh Pratapsingh, winning BJP candidate from the Panchmahals Lok Sabha seat in Gujarat. Then you have Kirori Singh Bainsla who lost by just 317 votes in Tonk Sawai Madhopur in Rajasthan and Som Parkash of the BJP in Hoshiarpur, Punjab losing narrowly to the Congress by a mere 366 votes — among the lowest margins in the 2009 Lok Sabha election.

The significance of flawless booth level Execution is now a recurrent theme across BJP events in the past few months. BJP President Rajnath Singh spoke on it during his National Executive speech:

If booth committees are firmly in place in all the states then the BJP`s victory in the election is assured.

Booth level Execution was also the primary focus of that Madhya Pradesh BJP event in Gwalior that saw Mr. L.K. Advani’s remarks get controversial. Speaking at that event the local BJP President Mr. Narendra Singh Tomar spoke of how 9724 Town and Village teams were going to target 53,000 booths through booth level teams. In 2004 there were more than 6 lakh polling booths. That number swelled to more than 8 lakh polling booths in 2009. So when Narendra Modi speaking the other day at an event in Gandhinagar mentioned of an outreach to 5 Lakh Villages through this game changing idea one begins to fathom where the finish line is for this marathon to 272.

“We want Loha from every village, Loha from each village, Loha used by farmer in farming. From more than 5 lakh villages in the country, all I ask is for one block from old used iron farm implement from each village.”

The Mission for 272 is no longer about 544 contests but rather about more than 8 lakh contests that will be fought in every booth. The war to achieve the ‘Wildly Important Goal’ of 272 will require the power of volunteers to win the battle in every one of those more than 8 lakh booths. Narendra Modi’s persona may create the conditions for a wave. Game changing ideas like the one above — to touch every village — will carry the ripple effect of that wave. But ultimately it is the commitment of volunteers to execute right at the booth level that will sustain the wave to be strong enough to have an impact on voting day.

This is why Mission 272 will require getting out of the comfort zone of Twitter and Facebook to commit time for on-ground action.

Filed under: India Elections 2014, Mission 272, Narendra Modi

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