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Ladder of Opportunity versus Safety of the Net

Part 2 of series on Socio Economic Engineering – an electoral roadmap for the Center Right

Eminent economist Dr. Surjit Bhalla writing in the Business Standard had this to say of the UPA’s flagship program – National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGA/NREGS/MNREG)

Despite tall claims, the NREGA programme is just a dud as most other “in the name of the poor” expenditures – and as much of a dud as predicted by Rajiv Gandhi

Despite repeated evidence for the last 20 years that “in the name of the poor programmes” reach everybody but the poor, the well-meaning socialist but not-so-realist Congress party renamed and expanded existing food for work programmes under its own Congress brand as NREGA, and now MREGA. (Ironically, but poetic-justice style, the latter acronym also means “to die”!). It spends Rs 8,823 crore on the programme in 2006-07 (and Rs 39,000 crore in 2009-10) and is able to actually deliver only 14.7 per cent (Rs 1,270 crore) to the targeted audience?!

Dr. Bhalla is being very charitable in his description of the Congress Party but his pithy remarks on NREGA highlight the false sense of security and comfort underlying the Liberal Left policies of the UPA.

Social Engineering of the communal variety receieved a boost this week with the Supreme Court’s interim order upholding Muslim Reservations in Andhra. This is just the beginning, more can be expected if this reaction from Abhishek Singhvi is anything to go by. It is clear that the Congress Party wants to further its Liberal Left agenda by expanding group entitlements or quotas on religious grounds.

This brings us back to the fundamental challenge for Socio-economic Engineering - 

how must it capture popular imagination of the aspirational voter to motivate him or her to cross-over ?

If the core premise behind Social Engineering and Left Liberalism was

to convince the voter to settle for the least common denominator within his or her group on the pretext of having the security of a safety net

then the core premise behind Socio-Economic Engineering must be

to motivate the voter that there is no reason to settle for the least common denominator within the group for even the highest of aspirations will be within reach by climbing on to the Ladder of Opportunity

There maybe merit in framing the popular debate between the Liberal Left policies of the Congress and the policy of prescriptions of the Center Right  as a choice between the Ladder and the Net.

The Net may offer safety but then there is no getting out of the Net once trapped.

There is nothing progressive about the Net for there is no avenue to progress.

The Net only weighs you down as it gets burdened with more and more to support

The metaphorical Ladder on the other hand is

by design progressive with opportunities to rise in each and every step.

by design inclusive and non-discriminatory for with every step an individual takes to rise, an opportunity is created for the next to rise and occupy

Pragmatism and realism would suggest that the Ladder of Opportunity cannot stand alone without the Safety of the Net, leading one to ask where lies the distinction between Socio-economic Engineering and Social Engineering ?

That distinction will have to be made by emphasizing the primacy of the Ladder over the Net

for if there was no ladder there would be no need to cast a wide net for safety

It may also be asked how different is the metaphor of “Ladder plus Net”for Socio-Economic Engineering from the “Growth with Distribution” model touted by Rahul Gandhi.

More on that in the third and concluding part in this series on Socio-economic Engineering.

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Filed under: DesiPundit, Progressivism, Narendra Modi, Left Liberalism, socio-economic engineering, Neo Middle Class, Neo Aspirational class, New Middle Class

We must draw a line

For the background to this post, first read below

1. Background to this Open Call to Debate

2. Of Labels and Definitionsoffers a definition for what is Left Liberalism

3. Fallacy of using Identity as a Labelexposes the fallacy of Hindutva as an ideological label

4. A definition for the Center Rightthat is Progressive, Compassionate, protects both Hindu and Minority Interests by speaking for all of Middle INDIA thus pitching a big and wide Tent

5. The Debate on 14th March 2010Full Transcript of Center Right Hall hosted on CoveritLive and carried by Offstumped Community and Live Mint Blogs

First some reflections on the Online Debate from the day after

There were many lessons to be learned on the format of the debate , given the limitations of the medium and feedback from many of you. Future refinements of the format will have to focus on increasing the engagement with individual panelists, connecting the dots through the debate to drive coherence and of course as always maximizing participant satisfaction by pushing the envelope on Technology.

Looking beyond the format, 5 key takeaways from the content of the debate

#1 There is a significant gulf within the broad political space opposed to Left Liberalism

#2 Untamed Internet Activism remains a sore point

#3 There is no clear intellectual leadership visible on the horizon for taming this Activism and for taking it beyond the Internet

#4 Deep confusion over the Identity versus Ideology debate continues to persist

#5 Unclear at this time if this “structured engagement” can be sustained. We may well see some unintended consequences of this raw and untamed activism manifest themselves in the days to come, if we dont draw a line sooner than later.

Its about the future stupid

While many in the debate wanted us to look to the past, some others wanted us to look to the West, when we really should be looking at the future.

Have to credit @CenterOfRight for putting the future challenge into perspective

First time voters in 2019 will be a generation born in 2001 around or after 9/11 who are right now studying in 4th grade

The past maybe an inspiration and a guide, the West maybe a case study, but end of the day this exercise has to be about the future.

Standing where we are today, if we are not thinking ahead on the challenges, opportunities and the sense of history with which todays 4th grader and the many who probably are not even in school will be making political choices 9 years from now, then we will be irrelevant even before 2002 makes it to History text books (I am told it has already made it to political science text books by NCERT).

Hence the need to draw a line  here and now.

We must draw a line to

#1 end this Identity versus Ideology confusion once and for all

#2 make this about the challenges and opportunities of the future and not about righting history’s wrongs

#3 make this about capturing the mindshare and the imagination of a generation exemplified who will be making political choices 9 years from now and who’s memory on the most significant political events of his or her life at the age of 18 is right now a clean slate

Where must we draw the line

It is time for us to recognize that the political construct (psuedo-secularism versus Hindutva) of the 1990s is not just an anachronism but also a painful reminder of the baggage of the past.

We must also recognize that Political Hindutva of the 1990s 

#1 at its core was the product of deep insecurity and victimhood

#2 has been tainted by Adharma committed in its name.

#3 was spineless  in its failure to stand up to violence committed in its name

#4 was morally ambiguous in taking a clear stance on the primacy of Rule of Law and Justice in response to violence committed in its name

#4 was intellectually hollow in its failure to evolve an Intellectual Political Tradition geared for the challenges of this Century drawing on the rich tradition of Kautilya’s Arthashastra and others who followed him

Some have to tried to rationalize Hindutva as the Warrior Spirit needed to protect Dharma, while others have fantasised about Hindu thought in an Islamic body. This line of thought has been critiqued extensively by this blogger before. It suffices to say that

Just as Rajadharma as articulated over the Centuries was the Constitution for the State,  the Indian Constitution is the Rajadharma in this day and age.

The only “Warrior Spirit” to protect Dharma is that which the has Constitutional sanction. The only Right to bear Arms is that which is sanctioned by the Constitution. Even the Kshatriya of yesteryears had no blanket immunity to use their arms but for the protection of Dharma which in today’s context is the Indian Constitution.

What about Hindu interests

There are legitimate concerns on protecting and advancing Hindu interests. These concerns have to be addressed through Hindu Institutions. The State and politics must have no role to play in them.

It is ironic that those who claim to protect Hindu interests have done little to nothing in freeing Hindu Institutions from State Control.

Instead they have cynically accorded legitimacy to State Interference in Religion by advancing an overtly religious political agenda.

Yes there is a legitimate competition to Centuries of Hindu Thought in the modern marketplace of Ideas.

To compete in that marketplace

Hindu Institutions must be free of State Control

the Hindu Community must put its money where its mouth is

invest in bringing Modern Technology, Modern Governance and Management Practices to those Institutions

focus on creating Intellectual Assets, Social Programs for the future

- for that 4th Grader who will grow up in the world of Twitter, Facebook, iPhone and iPAD and

for that 4th Grader peers who will probably never see the face of a school and will likely suffer from deep Information Asymmetry

Let the 40,000 crores of TTD work on creating those Intellectual Assets and Social programs. Let us free TTD from Government and Political control.

Time to Say No

But that can only happen when we draw the line and say no to Political Hindutva.

Political Hindutva’s biggest contribution has been to legitimize a role for Political Parties and hence by extension a role for the State in within Hindu Institutions.

This has only ensured a stake for politicians in maintaining status quo within Hindu Institutions thus making them uncompetitive in the 21st Century’s marketplace of ideas.

It is time to draw a clear line by saying NO to the Political Hindutva of the 1990s.

On the Way Forward

We need to craft an Agenda that is looking ahead to the Challenges and Opportunities of the future.

The focus of that agenda has to be the Economic and Strategic reality of the future and not the insecurity and victimhood of the past.

Our Identity carries with it a sense of 4000 years of History. We must draw inspiration and guidance from that History while ensuring it doesnt weigh us down by its memory of the many mutinies within and the many slights from without.

This can be accomplished by drawing lessons of realism and statecraft from the rich Indian Political Science tradition advanced by Kautilya amongst others and combining them with experiences in challenging Left Liberalism from other Democracies.

More on that Roadmap for the future in the next post.

Filed under: DesiPundit, Dharmayudh-2009, Flat World Hindutva, Shveta Chhatra, Progressivism, Nitin Gadkari, Narendra Modi, Left Liberalism

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