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Narendra Modi goes from Shivagiri to Haridwar – Column in Niti Central

Originally published here on Niti Central. Mackenzie Brown’s Book “White Umbrella” can be found here. Old Offstumped Posts on the “Shveta Chhatra – A Liberal National Agenda based on Dharma” can be found here.

Back in 2009, during the run-up to the Lok Sabha election, one of the most regretful development was the exit of the Biju Janata Da,(BJD), from the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) as seat-sharing talks over Odisha broke down. One of the primary reasons for the BJD’s to exit was the runaway violence in Kandhamal and the conduct of some of the members of the BJP in the aftermath of the riots in Kandhamal. There were two lessons for the BJP from Odisha back in 2009 which seem to have been finally learnt in 2013 as we witness a quiet transformation underway from Shivagiri in Kerala to Haridwar in Uttarakhand.

There is no denying the fact that the BJP’s core political constituency has always been located in a high degree of Hindu Identity Consciousness. The challenge for the BJP in the last two decades in general and in States like Odisha in specific has been its inability to appeal to this Hindu Identity Consciousness going beyond rhetoric of Hindu victimhood. The other challenge for the BJP was its inability to localise this Hindu Identity Consciousness through local icons, symbols and a message with local resonance.

From Shivagiri to Haridwar, if there is one message that has come through this week, it is of a new kind of Hindu Politics — benign in its rhetoric and reformist in its appeal.

From extolling the reformist values of Shri Narayana Guru in Kerala to sharing stage with a new-age Hindu movement in Haridwar that’s as much at ease with modern science and technology as it is with Hindu spirituality, the trajectory Narendra Modi’s travels have taken this week signal a significant shift in the remaking of the BJP’s core constituency.

It would be myopic to be dismissive of the significance of this shift. Let us, for a moment, pay attention to what was missing in the speeches at both Shivagiri Mutt and Patanjali Peeth. There was no fear-mongering and paranoia over threat from other faiths. There was no rhetoric of victimhood over unresolved culture conflicts and the many communal faultlines from the century gone by. Instead the speeches focused on universal values, social reform, education and attempts to blend spirituality with modern science and technology.

There was no doubt an unmistakable political message in the speeches at both events held at prominent Hindu religious institutions. But that message was more a statement against status quo within the ‘establishment’ rather than over any kind of majoritarian agenda.

Much debate has ensued in recent days over ‘secularism’ including one much-discussed Column by Pratap Bhanu Mehta. While Hindutva politics of the 1990s were a reaction to the perverse variety of secularism practiced in India during the decades after independence, the many flaws and serious limitations of Hindutva politics of the 1990s became quite evident during the 2000s. Between the extremities of a secularism focused excessively on minority victimhood and a secularism rooted in equal opportunity pandering to religion, India has struggled with what shape its secular state must take that harmonises Constitutional values with the demands of electoral politics.

Listening to the speeches from Shivagiri Mutt and Patanjali Peeth on the political expectations from prominent Hindu religious leaders, I am reminded of a profound comment in the book The White Umbrella – Indian Political Thought from Manu to Gandhi by Mackenzie Brown. In the book, Mackenzie Brown observes how the ‘White Umbrella’ has been a constant symbol of the sovereign power of the state from Rama to Akbar to Shivaji and beyond. Elaborating on the ‘political tradition’ symbolised by the White Umbrella, Mackenzie Brown writes:

“The personal integrity of the ruler and the moral sense of the citizenry are the keys to sound government and prosperous society offered by Manu and Gandhi alike…. the core of the tradition symbolized by “Shveta Chhatra” or “White Umbrella” is essentially this: The problem of Government is the ethical problem of the individual projected into the field of the State. Its solution lies in Dharma”.

It was this non-theocratic political tradition guided by Dharma that was visible in abundance in Haridwar and Shivagiri Mutt as various leaders of Hindu religious institutions took the unusual step of expressing a political preference towards Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi. It was also this non-theocratic and minimally secular political tradition that Narendra Modi was alluding to in his articulation of ‘India first’.

It is too early to assess the impact this fusion of politics with a benign Hindu identity consciousness. It however, must be noted that the primary movers and shakers of this movement are Hindu leaders drawn from non upper-caste sections of the Hindu society. This, in and of itself, is a radical change with profound implications for society in general outside of politics.

While political pundits and election junkies obsess over whether this means a ‘Hindu vote-bank consolidation’ we must welcome the fact that Hindu identity consciousness can be harnessed as a force for change without getting trapped within narratives of victimhood and communal polemics of the century gone by.

This is the message from Shivagiri to Haridwar.

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Filed under: India Elections 2014, Narendra Modi, Shveta Chhatra

Indian Liberals must get out of their Ivory Tower – Upcoming OpEd

A shorter version of this was published in The Pioneer here and here.

Background reading

#1 – Last week’s Column in The Pioneer and associated blog post

#2 Sanjeev Sabhlok’s archives on the failed attempts at a Indian Liberal Party

#3 Lok Satta’s recent alliance with the Communists

#4 Book on Emergency written in January of 1978

#5 Shveta Chhatra – A Liberal National Agenda

Last week’s column on the Indian Liberal generated a spirited debate on the Pioneer’s website and even wider reactions within the social media. My good friend Sanjiv Sabhlok who has toiled tirelessly to resurrect an Indian Liberal Movement first through the India Policy Institute and subsequently through the Liberal Party of India as the successor to Rajaji’s Swatantra Party expressed vehement disagreement. Sadanand Dhume a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a frequent columnist with the Wall Street Journal and an avid India watcher while expressing disagreement through Twitter made an interesting point on the failure of the Indian Right to reach out to Intellectuals outside of the saffron fold.

This follow up column is to put in perspective why there needs to be more engagement between the Indian Right and the Indian Liberal.

I am not speaking here of the shallow Indian Liberal some of who are celebrities dominating the news media landscape to whom Liberalism is nothing more than a calling card to elite clique. Nor am I  speaking here of those to whom Liberalism is merely the extreme pursuit of personal liberty with little or no appreciation for Economic Freedom, Federalism and autonomy to Local Government on a wide range of issues from Education to Policing.

But first some personal background.

Coming from a Sangh family where my first exposure was perhaps to the Sangh prarthana well before the national anthem, my dabbling with the Liberal movement was a logical extension of a heightened political awareness from early childhood years.

My formative years were a mixture of first hand exposure to Sangh ideologues on the one hand and high degree of political awareness on the other. Two clippings from the Organiser remained seared in my mind – the first was an essay by Dattopant Thengadi calling for more “Modernization than Westernization”. The second was an argument on the need for a “Market based economy”.

The next significant influence during those formative years were Arun Shourie’s writings during the Mandal protests and the robust intellectual debate that followed during the RJBM movement. I will forever be indebted to Arun Shourie for having taught me early on to never be shy of challenging conventional intellectual wisdom even if one found oneself in the minority.

Campus life at IIT Mumbai opened up a window to the world of Political Economics that was hitherto shut. It is inexcusable that one can go through 12 whole years of Education within the early school system with no formal training on Economics and the various schools of thought. I hope that is beginning to change now with the various curriculum modifications introduced since 2006 but I must be sceptical given the preponderance of Left Liberal thought in the academia. I have argued on multiple occasions that Atanu Dey’s book Transforming India and Sanjeev Sabhlok’s book Breaking Free from Nehru must make it to school curriculum.

Luckily Economics 101 at IIT was not limited to the prescribed Keynesian text by Paul Samuelson, and the Professor went out of her way to introduce  Milton Friedman’s “Free to Choose” as an outside the text essay. Over the years  at IIT further exposure to thinking on economic freedom ensued through Ayn Rand’s many works.

This was also the time when political events in India of significant magnitude were taking shape. Nuclear Physicist Dr. Rajendra Singhji popularly known as Rajju Bhaiyya had taken over as the Chief of the RSS while the nation was witnessing the opening up of the economy and political turmoil simultaneously over Mandal, Masjid etc….

Here I was attempting to reconcile within my mind the two diverse streams of political thought that had taken root within me over the years. A lengthy handwritten letter to Shri Rajju Bhaiyya followed on the outside chance that he might actually read it. I was pleasantly surprised to receive a long hand written letter from Rajju Bhaiyya. The gist of that letter was that the Sangh was acutely aware that the future was bound to be dominated by economic issues far more than cultural issues as the country opened up and the Sangh was grappling with the question of how to respond to that future.

In the years that followed India saw a tectonic shift politically with the first BJP Prime Minister taking office. While being a passive observer to the changes happening in India from distant shores my exposure to Indian Liberal movement started through Sanjeev’s efforts over the Internet through his India Policy Institute. Before there was Twitter, Facebook, Blogs or YouTube Sanjeev was a Pioneer in using the Internet to bring together diverse individuals with common political thoughts to the Right of Center centered primarily around Economic Freedom. His use of e-mailing lists was unique.

As the NDA struggled to reconcile the demands of economic liberalization with protectionist impulses of Swadeshi movement, I got a close look at the Indian Liberal  movement being both part of it partially and as an observer. It was fascinating to see how disconnected the Indian Liberal movement was from the political realities of India in some respect while being way ahead of its times in some other respects.

A combination of personality differences and lack of judgement saw the India Policy Institute falter and fall by the way side. A few years later well before the 2004 election Sanjeev had a second go at resurrecting the Liberal movement. This time the plans were grander and the outreach wider by drawing in the only two political parties that could remotely be described as Liberal – Sharad Joshi’s SBP and Jayprakash Narayan’s Lok Satta. These two political parties that could be described as liberal were marginal in their impact. Sharad Joshi the pragmatist politician that he was aligned with the BJP lead NDA ahead of the 2004 polls primarily on account of support for a statehood for Vidarbha. The grand design for  a Liberal Party of India fell apart as a telling tale of how the dogmatic pursuit of Classical Liberalism was incompatible with the pragmatism demanded of a political upstart.

The liberal movement’s only other political hope, Jayprakash Narayan’s Lok Satta has since taken that pragmatism to its logical extreme  by aligning opportunistically with the Communists. Attempts at rationalizing this come across as shallow after all the Lok Satta was on record backing the irrational Lokpal Bill.

What remains of Sanjeev’s efforts to resurrect a successor to C. Rajagopalachari’s Swatantra is his latest formulation Freedom Team India. Over the years I have questioned (myself on) Sanjeev’s judgment  and lack of pragamtism but I continue to deeply respect his dogged persistence.

But here is the problem – today all we have is a smattering of “classical liberals” dominating the Opinion Landscape with intellectual positions deeply disconnected from the political realities in a classic case of “Ivory Tower” intellectualism.

Bibek Debroy perhaps stands out among a few others as notable exceptions who have been able to marry their faith in Economic Freedom with the political realities of India to take a clear and unambiguous political stance.

My own reconciliation of economic liberalism with cultural nationalism happened after 2004 Lok Sabha elections when I took to blogging. Reading and re-reading ancient Indian works thanks to the vast body of knowledge that has now become accessible digitally, a clear stream of thought has emerged to my mind.

A single common thread of intellectual thought running through – Dharma, Economic Freedom, the Republican State as conceived by Kautilya, Ambedkar’s Cosntitutionalism and on the limited Role of Government. Only one book in my opinion captures this single common thread over the centuries – the now out of print book by Mackenzie Brown titled “Shveta Chhatra or the White Umbrella“.

Within the political spectrum no political party today comes close to espousing all of the ideals within this single common thread of political thought. However one politician does embody most of these. Little wonder intellectuals like Bibek Debroy who symbolize a harmonious blend of the ancient and the modern have not been shy in sticking their neck out and taking a stance.

Hence my argument that Indian Liberals need to get out of their ivory tower of dogmatic Classical Liberalism and get behind the idea of Narendra Modi if not the man himself.

In closing, to Sanjeev’s comment on Modi’s illiberalism, I can do no more than point him to a book written in chaste Hindi in January of 1978 after the end of Emergency. If all the 227 pages in chaste Hindi are too much for the classical liberal to digest, the personal reflections on pages 219 and 220 should suffice to make a judgment.

Filed under: economic freedom, Flat World Hindutva, Gujarat Polls 2012, Internet Hindus, Narendra Modi, nitish kumar, Shveta Chhatra

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